The former US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who has died at the age of 84, was considered arguably the most influential holders of that position in American history. Whereas numerous VPs were limited to minor or figurehead roles, Cheney exercised substantial power during the administration of George W Bush, to the point that he was often called as the "real president".
Bush resented such a characterisation and said the connection was more complicated. He observed that Cheney was respectful, consistently addressing him in public as President, while he called him as Dick. Bush challenged even characterisations of their partnership as a partnership because it implied that they were peers. Regardless of these denials, Cheney found the easygoing president accommodating on a wide array of administrative determinations.
The Post-9/11 Era
At the head of a group of neo-cons that featured defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and Pentagon second-in-command Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the invasion of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. During of the 9/11 strike, Bush had been attending a session at a educational institution in Florida. Whereas Bush made his way to a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, commanding the destruction of any unidentified airplanes nearing the government building.
Cheney said the strikes transformed him, leading him to become intent on revenge. Along with other neo-conservatives, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a invasion of Afghanistan in an attempt to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the armed intervention of Iraq, though there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein being involved.
Disputed Actions
He showed no remorse about the invasion, in which an reckoned 100,000 Iraqis perished, or about the harsh treatment of suspects rounded up after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion, which was predicated on inaccurate intelligence repeated by Cheney, was the right path to take. "It proved to be the proper decision to do then. I was convinced then and I believe it now."
Yet even at the time, there were dissenting voices at a top tier about the mishandling of Iraq. One of the government's own representatives to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the position. "I witnessed, as a baseline," he later wrote "clear negligence, negligence, and irresponsibility: at worst, deception, unfitness, and corruption."
Broader Context
Cheney was not entirely accountable for the Iraq invasion. Before 9/11, Wolfowitz had called for similar measures. He had drafted a memorandum outlining situations in which American interests might be threatened (including "access to essential resources, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "the US should be prepared to take unilateral action when joint efforts cannot be orchestrated," particularly citing military moves against Iraq.
Bush also had arrived in the White House somewhat determined on implementing what his father had notably declined to do in 1991; topple Saddam. Following he had been dismissed by the White House, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had declared his intention of reducing America's involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and mooted armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush carried a personal grudge against Saddam, believing he had been involved in a scheme to kill his predecessor, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore objected to that one of the biggest hotels in Baghdad had a surface artwork with a image of his parent's countenance that everyone had to tread upon.
Questioning Techniques
But it was Cheney who was part of the most vociferous advocating attacking Iraq, consistently quoting intelligence reports that were whether weak or totally misleading. He endorsed what the Bush White House euphemistically referred to as "advanced techniques", the use of interrogation method and physical pressure.
Responding to a Senate document in 2014 that concluded that no useful information had been obtained through the interrogation methods, Cheney rejected the report as "riddled with crap". He informed Fox News: "We requested [the CIA] to establish protocols and create initiatives to apprehend the bastards who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it was not repeated. That is precisely what they did and they deserve a lot of recognition."
Public Persona
Cheney reveled in labels given to him by opponents such as the dark character and the dark figure, and by the concept that he was a dark force manipulating Bush. In the author's 2013 book about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is reported as stating: "Am I the sinister strategist in the corner that nobody ever sees come out of his lair? This represents a advantageous way to work, truthfully."
Corporate Connections
Debate over his business interests pursued him during his tenure as second-in-command. While he had limited background in commerce but established relationships in security, especially in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's largest petroleum corporations, in 1995 as chairman and chief executive.
In 2000 he was selected as Bush's VP candidate for the executive branch. Controversially, during the military campaign, Halliburton was granted US agreements worth multiple billions.
It significantly boosted his finances. His yearly compensation during his tenure at the corporation increased from his $258,394 when he was Pentagon chief to $4.4m. When he resigned in 2000 he had a compensation package worth over $20m|twenty
